International Religious Freedom Roundtable
Held in Prague on 12th November 2024
These days mark the anniversary of the November 2019 protests in Iran, often referred to as the Aban protests, which were among the largest and most widespread demonstrations in Iran in recent years.
Although exact numbers vary, estimates from human rights groups like Amnesty International reported over 300 confirmed deaths, while Reuters cited sources close to the Iranian government who reported that over 1,500 people were killed, including women and children. Thousands more were injured or detained, many reportedly tortured or mistreated in detention.
The November 2019 protests left a lasting impact on the Iranian people. They underscored the lengths to which the government is willing to go to suppress dissent, even at the cost of significant loss of life. For many, this period marked a turning point in attitudes towards the state, contributing to a deepened sense of mistrust and disillusionment with the government.
The Sunni minority in Iran, primarily concentrated in the border regions, faces systemic discrimination and suppression by the Iranian government, which is dominated by Shia Islam as the state religion.
Sunnis, though estimated to be around 15-20% of the Iranian population, are significantly underrepresented in both local and national government. Sunni Muslims rarely hold high-ranking positions, and no Sunni has ever been appointed to a ministerial position in the Islamic Republic.
The government imposes strict controls on Sunni religious institutions. For instance, Sunni mosques face difficulty obtaining permits, and many are often monitored or shut down if seen as politically active. In Tehran, a city with a significant Sunni population, there is still no dedicated Sunni mosque.
Sunni religious leaders, or ulama, are often monitored, pressured, or even arrested if they speak out on issues affecting the Sunni community. Many are detained and tortured, while others fall victim to enforced disappearances. Mawlawi Abdul Hamid, the prominent leader of Iran’s Sunni community in Zahedan, Sistan and Baluchestan, is respected by both Shiite and Sunni Muslims inside and outside Iran. Despite this, he remains under constant security restrictions, and members of his family and office are frequently detained and interrogated by security forces.
The state also controls the religious education curriculum in Sunni areas, limiting the promotion of Sunni teachings.
Sunni-majority regions, such as Sistan and Baluchestan, Khuzestan, and Kurdistan, are among the poorest in Iran. These regions often lack access to adequate infrastructure, healthcare, and education. Economic development programmes are limited, and employment opportunities are scarce, leading to high rates of poverty and unemployment.
Sunnis are often excluded from jobs in government or state-owned enterprises, especially in sectors considered sensitive, like the military, intelligence, and security. This restriction limits their social mobility and exacerbates poverty in Sunni-majority regions.
Sunni activists, particularly those advocating for minority rights or improved conditions, face harassment, arbitrary detention, and, in some cases, torture. Many have been sentenced to long prison terms or even executed under vague charges like “enmity against God” (moharebeh) or “spreading corruption on Earth.”
Sunni-majority areas, such as Sistan and Baluchestan, experience disproportionately high rates of executions. The government claims these are related to crimes such as drug trafficking or separatism, but human rights groups allege that some are politically motivated.
While even the current constitution recognises the use of local languages, in practice, the teaching of Kurdish, Baluchi, or Turkmen languages (spoken by many Sunnis) is limited or restricted in schools. This limits the ability of Sunni communities to preserve their cultural and linguistic heritage.
Sunni communities often face restrictions on public celebrations of Sunni religious holidays and other cultural practices. For example, Sunni Muslims in Iran celebrate Eid al-Fitr and Eid al-Adha according to different dates than Shia Muslims, but are sometimes restricted in observing them publicly.
Sunni regions are heavily policed, with a significant presence of security forces who conduct frequent patrols and raids. These actions often lead to escalated tensions and incidents of violence.
Clashes between locals and security forces are frequent, especially in areas like Sistan and Baluchestan, where the Baloch Sunni minority has experienced numerous reported killings of unarmed civilians, including religious leaders, which the government attributes to anti-terrorism efforts. However, many of these incidents involve extrajudicial killings.
On 30 September 2022, during Friday prayers, security forces in Zahedan, a city in Iran’s Sistan and Baluchestan province, opened fire on worshippers and protesters. Known as “Bloody Friday,” this massacre reportedly killed over 160 people and injured many more.
The violence followed planned protests over an alleged assault of a young Baluchi girl by a police officer and showed solidarity with broader anti-government demonstrations. Eyewitness accounts and videos revealed that victims were unarmed civilians, contradicting authorities’ claims that they were targeting insurgents.
The massacre intensified long-standing grievances within the Sunni Baluchi community, highlighting issues of discrimination and repression. International human rights groups, including Amnesty International, condemned the incident and called for independent investigations.
The regime’s treatment of Sunnis has been condemned by human rights organisations like Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch, and the United Nations.
An examination of the dire and complex situation of Iran’s Sunni population under the Islamic Republic over the past forty years reveals a disregard by the government for both human and Islamic principles. If Iran’s proxies in the region were to gain control over the areas in which they operate, it is likely that the people there would face the same fate that has affected Iran’s Sunni population over the past four decades.
In this context, the fight against the Islamic Republic of Iran and its proxy militias should be seen as a holy and liberating struggle. However, this alone is not enough. Alongside this battle, accurate and transparent information must be shared with the public, particularly with Muslims in the region, about the dire situation of Muslims oppressed by the Islamic Republic. This is essential to prevent ordinary people from being misled by the regime’s propaganda. They should understand that aligning with the Iranian government—which is severely oppressing and even massacring Muslims within Iran—means indirectly participating in and supporting this oppression.
It is now clear that the terrorist operation carried out on 7 October against Israeli citizens was a tactic by Iranian officials to divert attention from the anniversaries of the Aban massacre and the Bloody Friday massacre in Zahedan. The operation’s planning and training took place within Iran, organised by the Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC).
In this way, the IRGC managed to shift global focus from Iran to Gaza. Now, it is time to refocus international attention on Iran.
On behalf of the International Organisation to Preserve Human Rights, I call upon all governments, human rights organisations, and activists to recognise the dire situation faced by Sunni Muslims oppressed by the Iranian regime and to hold the regime accountable for its crimes both within and outside Iran.
Placing the IRGC on the terrorist organisation list, alongside other proxies like Hamas, Hezbollah, and the Houthis, is a necessary and urgent action.
I also express gratitude to the German government for closing three Iranian consulates and encourage other Western governments to follow suit, sending a unified and strong message to the Iranian regime.
Now is the time to turn all eyes to Iran.